Moïse and his party fell back on a tried-and-true tactic in Haiti: They turned to the gangs to silence opponents. In the face of mounting resistance to his presidency, Mr. coincided with renewed political instability, precipitating a constitutional crisis in 2020. And MINUSTAH recaptured some of the more than 4,000 prisoners who escaped from prison following the country’s 2010 earthquake.Īt the conclusion of MINUSTAH in 2017, the transfer of responsibility from foreign troops to the H.N.P. law enforcement operations resulted in the arrest or exile of powerful, charismatic gang leaders like Alain Cadet and Evens Jeune. During the mission’s 13-year operation, Haiti had peaceful transfers of power across four successive presidencies, the professionalization of the Haitian National Police (H.N.P.), and a 95 percent decrease in kidnappings over 10 years. helmets in the country nevertheless made a difference on the security front. The vast majority, though, asserted their control over turf through violence, illegal detentions and extortion.īy 2006, Haiti’s homicide rate of 34 per 100,000 inhabitants was alarmingly higher than the regional average.įor all MINUSTAH’s significant shortfalls, over 12,000 blue U.N.
Some gang leaders fashioned themselves as contemporary Robin Hoods, distributing money, foodstuffs and stolen merchandise to their devotees. peacekeepers on the Haitian population, as well as MINUSTAH’s unintended consequences, are well documented: Foreign troops repeatedly engaged in sexual violence against residents and even played a role in the initial outbreak of a cholera epidemic that claimed at least 10,000 Haitian lives.ĭuring this time, criminal groups - including Aristide-aligned bandits known as chimères and legacy structures from the disbanded Haitian Army - capitalized on these scandals to shore up their own legitimacy, encouraging Haitians to view the U.N. The United Nations began its stabilization mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, during the post-Aristide elections in 2004. Likewise, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Haiti’s first democratically elected leader, relied on gangs of urban slum dwellers to defend his presidency against being overthrown, which nonetheless occurred in both 19. Gangs have a long, inglorious history in Haiti’s political fabric.įormer President François Duvalier, known as Papa Doc, guarded against military coups and popular dissent by organizing paramilitary groups that oversaw a reign of terror in the 1960s - a bloody time that resulted in some 60,000 extrajudicial killings. Protecting and delivering humanitarian aid, supporting Haitian law enforcement with intelligence and operations planning, and investing in marginalized communities to prevent gang recruitment are all areas where international actors can make a difference. And despite a history of failed interventions in Haiti, there is nonetheless a role for influential outside players. That’s a tall order for a barely functioning state.
But until the Haitian government gets crime under control and brings the gangs to justice, the restoration of the constitutional order and the country’s humanitarian and economic recovery will remain elusive. It’s still reeling from an unresolved political crisis following the July assassination of President Jovenel Moïse and the humanitarian fallout of an August earthquake. Meanwhile, Haiti’s internal challenges continue to mount. The incidents underscore the growing confidence and power of Haiti’s armed gangs.
A few days later, in yet another event, five Catholic priests, two nuns and three others were taken while heading to a church service in a suburb north of Port-au-Prince - only to be released after three agonizing weeks. In April, kidnappers interrupted an evangelical service being streamed on Facebook Live to seize the pastor and three churchgoers. Port-au-Prince, Haiti, has become the world’s kidnapping capital.Ī little over a week ago, 17 individuals from a U.S.-based missionary group were abducted in the latest brazen attempt of its kind.
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